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Beneath the Surface

The Hollow Class, Part II

Loading ...Addison Wiggin

November 12, 2025 • 7 minute, 10 second read


Fannie MaeHousing Market

The Hollow Class, Part II

“When the music stops, in terms of liquidity, things will be complicated. But as long as the music is playing, you’ve got to get up and dance. We’re still dancing.”

–Charles Prince, Citigroup CEO, in a 2007 interview

November 12, 2025 — It was a humid September morning in 2008 as Daniel Mudd sat in his corner office on Wisconsin Avenue in Washington, DC. He watched the city come to life below him as he sipped his coffee.

Federal motorcades, interns in power suits, and the faint hum of a nation holding its breath all unfolded on the streets below. The greatest financial crisis since the Great Depression was starting to play out.

Mudd had been the chief executive officer (CEO) of the Federal National Mortgage Association (FNMA), otherwise known as “Fannie Mae”, for just over three years.

Fannie Mae was created by Congress in 1938 as a government-sponsored enterprise (GSE), but it was a shareholder-owned company with an independent Board of Directors and management team.

Mudd knew that his organization was in the eye of the storm that morning, and he was working through the situation in his head in preparation for an impromptu morning meeting. He had been advised that his presence was needed for an emergency briefing on liquidity with Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, and the director of the newly created Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), James Lockhart III.

At first he thought the meeting would be about solutions. But when Mudd walked into the conference room, he quickly realized it was no such thing… it was a funeral.

Paulson, in his famously steely tone, wasted no time. “Dan, it’s end of the line. We’re moving Fannie into government conservatorship. You need to get your board to consent to this voluntarily and make a nice public statement about it. We already have the press release ready to go.”

Mudd was shocked.

“Hank, we have the capital reserves we need. We have positive book value. Fannie Mae is not insolvent,” he said defiantly.

Paulson nodded but didn’t flinch. “Dan, the markets have lost confidence. We can’t wait. Get your board together to make it official. This isn’t a discussion… the decision has already been made.”

Confidence — not solvency — had become the currency of survival. And Fannie Mae, despite its positive equity and decades of profitability, was suddenly declared unfit to manage itself.
When Mudd returned to his office, aides were already removing nameplates. Apparently word travels fast in Washington.

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The next morning, Herb Allison Jr. was announced as the new CEO of Fannie Mae. Mudd couldn’t help but scoff. He knew Allison was a Wall Street veteran with deep government ties. He was there to serve as a crony technocrat who would do whatever he was told.

Most papers called it a “rescue.” Mudd called it what it was: a government takeover.

So that’s it, he thought. His career — and the independence of one of America’s most formative financial institutions — ended with a unilateral dictate.

Mudd swiveled his chair toward the window. Across the Potomac, the Capitol dome gleamed… but for the first time in his life, Mudd felt utterly powerless.

His removal – and Fannie Mae being placed into conservatorship – each came out of the blue. Mudd hadn’t been warned. There hadn’t been a boardroom showdown. There was no Congressional hearing. Not even a discussion.

Instead, an aspiring technocrat working alongside the Treasury Secretary and Federal Reserve Chairman made a far-reaching decision behind closed doors.

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Artist’s Rendering of Daniel Mudd’s Corner Office at Fannie Mae Headquarters

As the news broke across the media networks, a new narrative took shape — the one that would persist for years: Fannie Mae and its CEO Daniel Mudd had caused the financial crisis.

That was the spin. It was all Fannie Mae’s fault.

In the hours that followed, reporters camped outside Fannie Mae’s headquarters. Lawmakers filled Sunday talk shows with feigned righteous fury. “Fannie Mae fueled the bubble,” they said. “Fannie Mae bought toxic loans!”

Mudd was painted as the reckless captain who’d run the ship aground. And inside the company, morale collapsed. Fannie’s underwriters, analysts, and administrative team watched their stock-based retirement plans vanish in real time.

It was infuriating… but Mudd knew the real story. It began years earlier, when the seeds of the housing bubble were quietly sown by policies that were never his to control.

Lighting the Fuse

In the early 2000s, after the dot-com crash, the Federal Reserve slashed interest rates to historic lows — first to 2%, then lower. The goal was simple-minded: revive a wounded economy with cheap money.

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But cheap money has a way of finding a home, and it found one in housing…

As interest rates fell, investors swarmed into real estate, lured by yields and the illusion that home prices never fell. Wall Street’s private-label securitizers were soon packaging everything from pristine mortgages to what were effectively loans scribbled on napkins, thus turning them into bonds that glowed like gold — until you looked too closely.

For their part, the regulators and ratings agencies conveniently looked away and allowed the bubble to grow. Fannie Mae watched the frenzy from the sidelines at first.

The company’s mandate — written in law — was not to chase profits but to promote affordable housing. That is to say, to make sure that teachers, nurses, and other first-time buyers could own their own homes and unlock the American Dream.

But as Wall Street flooded the market with high-risk mortgage products, political pressure mounted. Congress demanded that Fannie “do its part” for low and moderate-income families.

In fact, regulators told Mudd to buy riskier loans to meet affordable housing goals, while Wall Street’s roaring machine made even the most cautious underwriting look obsolete.

“We were never the spark,” Mudd would later say. “We were the backstop.”

By 2006, the line between acceptable lending and reckless gambling had blurred. Fannie Mae’s charter required it to support homeownership across income levels. But that also meant buying and guaranteeing loans that private banks were walking away from — loans the market demanded but would no longer hold.

When Mudd looked at the company’s balance sheet, he saw both danger and duty. Fannie Mae’s capital position was solid — billions in positive equity — but the ground beneath the housing market was shifting fast. Defaults were creeping upward. Private-label securities were unraveling. And yet, every signal from Washington said keep buying. Keep the market liquid.

Then, in 2007, the exodus began. Private lenders fled. Hedge funds stopped bidding on mortgage-backed securities. The same institutions that had preached the gospel of innovation were now running for the hills.

“We didn’t get to run,” Mudd would later attest. Fannie Mae had a mandate to backstop the mortgage market, and the organization was under intense pressure to do so as the housing bubble reached its apex.

Fannie Mae became the buyer of last resort. It was the sole institution propping up an American dream of homeownership that the market itself had abandoned.

Mudd knew the risks were mounting. But the alternative — letting the housing market freeze — was politically unthinkable. He was under intense pressure from the same policymakers who would later condemn him when the jig was up.

When Fannie Mae entered government conservatorship, it had more than $45 billion in positive assets on its balance sheet. The company wasn’t bankrupt. Instead, it was used as a scapegoat to direct blame away from other power players who were far more instrumental to the housing bubble and its historic bust.

And as we’ll see tomorrow, Fannie Mae’s conservatorship was used to instrument a massive theft of the commons that left the once-great American middle class broken, hollow, and amenable to political radicalization.

Joe Withrow
Bonner Private Research & Grey Swan Investment Fraternity

P.S. from Addison: We’ve invited Bloomberg’s #1 employment analyst Andrew Zatlin, to join us tomorrow on Grey Swan Live! for obvious reasons:

Andrew Zatlin — the #1-ranked economic forecaster on Bloomberg and one of the most connected data minds in finance.

For decades, Andrew has helped billion-dollar hedge funds stay three steps ahead of Washington’s chaos, consumer shifts, and global supply chain shocks.

As unemployment ticks up, politicians trade on insider intel, and Pelosi closes out an era, he’ll reveal what his data is signaling next — and what investors should prepare for.

If you have requests for new guests you’d like to see join us for Grey Swan Live!,  or have any questions for our guests, send them here.

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The Debt of Intelligence

November 12, 2025 • Addison Wiggin

SoftBank offloaded its entire $5.83 billion Nvidia stake to bankroll an even bigger gamble: tens of billions in OpenAI.

Son insists this is his next Vision Fund moment.

OpenAI’s swelling valuation doubled SoftBank’s profit last quarter. He may have sold the pickaxe factory, but he’s betting the mine still goes deeper.

The Debt of Intelligence
Consumers Got the Memo

November 12, 2025 • Addison Wiggin

Although consumer debt is at an all-time high, consumers themselves got the message during the last crisis: Pay down debt, own more assets.

That’s taken the U.S. household debt-to-asset ratio to levels last seen in the 1970s, around the time the U.S. went off the gold standard.

Consumers Got the Memo
Dan Denning: The Hollow Class, Part I

November 11, 2025 • Addison Wiggin

A 50-year mortgage doesn’t make housing cheaper. But by stretching the repayment period over time, it DOES lower the monthly payment on your principal. That lowers the percentage of your total income you’re spending on repayment. And in a strange way, it makes sense.

With a fixed rate mortgage and inflation running in the high upper digits, the real value you of your total debt goes down over time (inflation pays off your loan, as long as your income rises faster in nominal terms). Of course you pay off a lot more interest over 50 years than 30 years. And it takes a lot longer to build up equity (assuming also that house prices don’t fall).

Dan Denning: The Hollow Class, Part I
An Armistice of Convenience

November 11, 2025 • Addison Wiggin

Last night’s 60–40 Senate vote shoved the government back toward “on.” There’s apparently a shutdown truce… for now.

A bloc of Democrats “crossed the aisle” after weeks of getting nowhere on health-care demands. “We had no path forward… and SNAP beneficiaries were losing benefits,” Sen. Tim Kaine, one of the 7 who conveniently aren’t up for reelection, said.

The new deal funds Washington only through January, tacks on three bills to keep parts of Defense, Ag, and the Capitol complex humming through 2026, reverses shutdown-era RIFs, and restores back pay.

The House is next; the president says he’ll sign it fast when it gets to the Oval Office.

An Armistice of Convenience