Why Fed Reform Could Be the Biggest Sleeper Issue of 2024

From The Daily Economy:

Joseph Sternberg, author of the “Political Economics” column at the Wall Street Journal, has been on the Federal Reserve’s case recently. He continues to take central bankers to task in his latest article. “The next president will inherit a Federal Reserve staffed by economists — and their intellectual helpmates in academia — who still don’t fully understand what has happened over the past few years, let alone over the past few decades,” Sternberg warns. He’s right. Fed officials admit to only limited and contingent culpability for high inflation in recent years.

The Fed is a flawed institution at best, and a failed institution at worst. Sternberg suggests several reforms. While potentially helpful, none go far enough.

First, Sternberg castigates the fashionable yet unfounded belief amongst policy economists that “Mr. Trump’s economic agenda of tariffs and tax cuts would be inflationary.” Sternberg is right to call out this nonsense.

Tariffs would make specific goods and services more expensive. This is a relative price effect. It only shows up in the general price level if it affects enough prices to drive up the index—and even then it doesn’t really qualify as inflation, because it’s a one-time transition to a higher price level. Inflation means a higher growth rate for the price level.

Tax cuts aren’t inflationary, either. If anything, by incentivizing additional savings and investment, tax cuts may result in a small productivity boost, and hence mild disinflation. The crude Keynesianism Sternberg calls out, despite its consistent record of failed predictions going back more than 70 years, is still alive and well amongst economists who see themselves as efficiency engineers first and social scientists second. We can safely ignore them.

Next, Sternberg laments Fed decision-makers’ “groupthink,” explained in part by the concentration of authority in the “Washington-based Board of Governors in thrall to the central bank’s research department.” The “Fed’s independence from the rest of the government” amplifies its irresponsibility. It “means politicians and voters can’t enforce accountability.” Sternberg correctly highlights the Fed’s adoption of flexible average inflation targeting (FAIT) in August 2020 as an example of deep institutional flaws. The Fed is picking its own goals and deciding whether or not it has achieved them. In other words, it’s a judge in its own cause. That’s unacceptable for anyone who cares about the rule of law.

How to fix this? Sternberg suggests changing how the Fed makes decisions, so that regional Fed branches have more input. He also wants Congress to keep a closer eye on monetary policymakers. These are probably good ideas. At the margin, they would help. But we can and should do more.

Here are a few harder-hitting ideas for Fed reform:

Get rid of the dual mandate. It’s redundant. The Fed’s monetary policy activities should solely focus on price stability.
Pare back the Fed’s regulatory powers radically. The Fed should ensure banks are adequately capitalized against short-term liabilities. That’s it.
End further credit allocation. Close the discount window.
Shrink the balance sheet. Return to a “Treasuries only” policy for open market operations.
Stop paying interest on reserves. Ditch the floor system and return to the corridor system.

For even more radical (and effective) reforms, consider the following, in ascending order of implausibility:

Compel the Fed to stabilize the dollar, or current-dollar GDP, or a related nominal anchor. If central bankers fail, they get fired.
Eliminate the FOMC. Automatically grow the monetary base by a set percentage each year. Long live Milton Friedman!
Freeze the monetary base. Outsource monetary policy to the market. From now on, financial intermediation (banking) is the sole means by which the money supply changes. The only requirement is banks must redeem their liabilities for fiat dollars, the stock of which is now fixed.
Revive commodity money. The gold standard is massively underrated. It’s not as attractive an option if the US is the only economy on gold. But it’s still worth a look.

“Fed reform could be the nerdiest sleeper issue of this campaign season,” Sternberg concludes.

I can only wish. Americans are hopping mad about dollar depreciation. But even with 9-percent consumer price inflation during 2022, Congress never seriously considered changing how the Fed works. Nevertheless, it should. I hope Sternberg is right about citizens’ appetite for reining in the central bank – the hungrier, and nerdier, the better.

From The Daily Economy:

The Fed is a flawed institution at best, and a failed institution at worst. Sternberg suggests several reforms. While potentially helpful, none go far enough.

Here are a few harder-hitting ideas for Fed reform:

Get rid of the dual mandate. It’s redundant. The Fed’s monetary policy activities should solely focus on price stability.
Pare back the Fed’s regulatory powers radically. The Fed should ensure banks are adequately capitalized against short-term liabilities. That’s it.
End further credit allocation. Close the discount window.
Shrink the balance sheet. Return to a “Treasuries only” policy for open market operations.
Stop paying interest on reserves. Ditch the floor system and return to the corridor system.

For even more radical (and effective) reforms, consider the following, in ascending order of implausibility:

Compel the Fed to stabilize the dollar, or current-dollar GDP, or a related nominal anchor. If central bankers fail, they get fired.
Eliminate the FOMC. Automatically grow the monetary base by a set percentage each year. Long live Milton Friedman!
Freeze the monetary base. Outsource monetary policy to the market. From now on, financial intermediation (banking) is the sole means by which the money supply changes. The only requirement is banks must redeem their liabilities for fiat dollars, the stock of which is now fixed.
Revive commodity money. The gold standard is massively underrated. It’s not as attractive an option if the US is the only economy on gold. But it’s still worth a look.

“Fed reform could be the nerdiest sleeper issue of this campaign season,” Sternberg concludes.

Wars, technology races, and political upheavals — all of them rest on fiscal capacity.

In 2026, that capacity will tighten across the developed world simultaneously. Democracies will discover that generosity financed by debt carries conditions, whether voters approve of them or not.

Bond markets will not shout so much as clear their throats. Repeatedly.

Taken together, the seven Grey Swans of 2025 behaved less like isolated events and more like interlocking stories readers already recognize.

The year moved in phases. A sharp April selloff cleared leverage quickly. Policy shifted toward tax relief, lighter regulation, and renewed tolerance for liquidity. Innovations began to slowly dominate the marketplace conversation – from Dollar 2.0 digital assets to AI-powered applications in all manner of commercial enterprises, ranging from airline and hotel bookings to driverless taxis and robots.

Back in April, when we published what we called the Trump Great Reset Strategy, we described the grand realignment we believed President Trump and his acolytes were embarking on in three phases.

At the time, it read like a conceptual map. As the months passed, it began to feel like a set of operating instructions written in advance of turbulence.

As you can expect, any grandiose plan would get all kinds of blowback… but this year exhibited all manner of Trump Derangement Syndrome on top of the difficulty of steering a sclerotic empire clear of the rocky shores.

The “phases” were never about optimism or pessimism. They were about sequencing — how stress surfaces, how systems adapt, and what must hold before confidence can regenerate. And in the end, what do we do with our money?!

Relative to GDP, the net international investment claim on the U.S. economy was 20% in 2003. It had swollen to 65% by 2023. Practically every type of American company, bond, or real estate asset now has some degree of foreign ownership.

But it’s even worse than that. As the federal deficit has pumped up the GDP figures, and made a larger share of the economy dependent on government spending, the quality and sustainability of GDP have deteriorated. So, foreigners, to the extent they are paying attention, are accumulating claims on an economy that has been eroded by inefficient, government-directed spending and “investments.” Why should foreign creditors maintain confidence in the integrity of these paper claims? Only to the extent that their economies are even worse off. And in the case of China, that’s probably true.